Thursday 31 May 2012

6 reasons Spain will leave the euro first


By MATTHEW LYNN

The euro debt crisis, like any really spectacular geoeconomic event, is spawning its own special vocabulary.
We’ve already had Merkozy, now relegated to the footnotes, and are slowly getting used to the clunkier Merlande or Merkellande, as the oddly matched pairing of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the French President Francois Hollande has been dubbed. The Grexit, short for Greece finally giving up on the single currency, has been trending for the last few weeks. And coming up next: the Spexit.
What’s that? It’s shorthand for Spain quitting the euro — and we’re going to hear a lot of it over what promises to be a turbulent summer.
The Spanish are a lot more likely to pull out of the euro than the Greeks, or indeed any of the peripheral countries. They are too big to rescue, they have no political hang-ups about rupturing their relations with the European Union, they are already fed up with austerity, and there is a bigger Spanish-speaking world for them to grow into. There are few good reasons for the country to stay in the euro — and little sign it has the will to endure the sacrifices the currency will demand of them(from minority opinion)
 

Friday 25 May 2012

Σόλων - Σεισάχθεια

Σόλων Εξηκεστίδου Σαλαμίνιος πρώτος μεν την σεισάχθειαν εισηγήσατο Αθηναίοις· το δεν ην λύτρωσις σωμάτων τε και κτημάτων. και γαρ επί σώμασιν εδανείζοντο και πολλοί δι’ απορίαν εθήτευον. επτά δη ταλάντων οφειλομένων αυτώ πατρώων συνεχώρησε πρώτος και τους λοιπούς το όμοιο προύτρεψε πράξαι. και ούτος ο νόμος εκλήθη σεισάχθεια. φανερόν δε δια τι.
(Διογένης ο Λαέρτιος)

Friday 18 May 2012

Ακούστε την κραυγή της Αθήνας - La preghiera di Aiace


Συνηθίσαμε τόσο γρήγορα στα "κλισέ" που δε βλέπουμε πια τις καταστρεπτικές τους συνέπειες και έτσι τα επαναλαμβάνουμε συνεχώς σαν να επρόκειτο για αδιάψευστη αλήθεια, ενώ ο σκοπός τους είναι να μας γυρίσουν πίσω. Για παράδειγμα. ο κίνδυνος να ακολουθήσουμε την ίδια πορεία με την Ελλάδα, έχει γίνει σλόγκαν που μας μετατρέπει σε αμήχανους θεατές που παρατηρούν κάποια ιεροτελεστία μετάνοιας κατά την οποία ένας αποδιοπομπαίος τράγος θυσιάζεται για το καλό του συνόλου. Αυτοί που είναι διαφορετικοί δεν έχουν θέση ανάμεσά μας. Και αν οι νέες εκλογές, που μόλις προκηρύχτηκαν, δεν παρέχουν την απαιτούμενη πλειοψηφία από τους εταίρους τους, η μοίρα για την Ελλάδα θα είναι δυσοίωνη.
Πόσες φορές έχουμε ακούσει ηγέτες να ψιθυρίζουν απειλητικά: "Δε θέλετε να έχετε την ίδια τύχη με την Ελλάδα, θέλετε;" Η έξοδος από τη ζώνη του ευρώ ενώ δεν προβλεπόταν, εύκολα θα μπορούσε να επιτευχθεί κρυφά. Στην πραγματικότητα η Αθήνα έχει ήδη πέσει στη "ζώνη του λυκόφωτος" των μη - Ευρωπαίων, πράγμα που ήδη μοιάζει με επίκληση "μπαμπούλα" για να τρομάζει τα παιδιά. (tvxs--Barbara Spinelli)

CI ABITUIAMO talmente presto ai luoghi comuni che non ne vediamo più le perversità, e li ripetiamo macchinalmente quasi fossero verità inconfutabili: la loro funzione, del resto, è di metterti in riga. Il pericolo di divenire come la Grecia, per esempio: è una parola d'ordine ormai, e ci trasforma tutti in storditi spettatori di un rito penitenziale, dove s'uccide il capro per il bene collettivo. Il diverso, il difforme, non ha spazio nella nostra pòlis, e se le nuove elezioni che sono state convocate non produrranno la maggioranza voluta dai partner, il destino ellenico è segnato.

Lo sguardo di chi pronuncia la terribile minaccia azzittisce ogni obiezione, divide il mondo fra Noi e Loro. Quante volte abbiamo sentito i governanti insinuare, tenebrosi: "Non vorrai, vero?, far la fine della Grecia"? La copertina del settimanale Spiegel condensa il rito castigatore in un'immagine, ed ecco il Partenone sgretolarsi, ecco Atene invitata a scomparire dalla nostra vista invece di divenire nostro comune problema, da risolvere insieme come accade nelle vere pòlis. (La Reppublica)

Tuesday 15 May 2012

Ο Μύθος των μελισσών

Τώρα, σκέψου την ένδοξη κυψέλη και δες πώς τιμιότητα και εμπόριο συμπορεύονται.
Η επίδειξη εξαλείφθηκε, εξανεμίστηκε.

Η εικόνα εντελώς άλλαξε, γιατί δεν είναι μόνο εκείνοι που έφυγαν, οι οποίοι ξόδευαν τεράστια ποσά
αλλά και τα πλήθη που ζούσαν απ’ αυτούς,
υποχρεώθηκαν επίσης να εξαφανιστούν.
Μάταια τώρα στρέφονται σε άλλες δουλειές. Παντού υπάρχει κορεσμός.
Η τιμή της γης και των σπιτιών πέφτει,
μυθικά παλάτια, που οι τοίχοι τους, όπως εκείνοι των Θηβών, χτίστηκαν με παιχνίδια, προσφέρονται για ενοικίαση.
Τα οικοδομικά επαγγέλματα καταστράφηκαν τελείως
βιοτέχνες δεν εργάζονται.
Κανένας κεραμοτεχνίτης δεν φημίζεται πλέον για την τέχνη του, οι λιθοκόφτες και οι γλύπτες δεν μνημονεύονται πια…
Μόνο η αρετή δεν εξασφαλίζει για τα έθνη μεγαλόπρεπη ζωή.
Εκείνοι που θα αναβιώσουν ένα χρυσό αιώνα πρέπει να είναι ελεύθεροι,
τόσο για την ασωτία όσο και για την τιμιότητα.

Μπέρναρντ Μάντβιλ (αρχές 18ου αι.)
Η γκρινιάρα κυψέλη ή οι απατεώνες που έγιναν τίμιοι

Tuesday 1 May 2012

May 1st 1886, Chicago



On May 1, 1886, Chicago unionists, reformers, socialists, anarchists, and ordinary workers combined to make the city the center of the national movement for an eight-hour day. Between April 25 and May 4, workers attended scores of meetings and paraded through the streets at least 19 times. On Saturday, May 1, 35,000 workers walked off their jobs. Tens of thousands more, both skilled and unskilled, joined them on May 3 and 4. Crowds traveled from workplace to workplace urging fellow workers to strike. Many now adopted the radical demand of eight hours' work for ten hours' pay. Police clashed with strikers at least a dozen times, three with shootings.
At the McCormick reaper plant, a long-simmering strike erupted in violence on May 3, and police fired at strikers, killing at least two. Anarchists called a protest meeting at the West Randolph Street Haymarket, advertising it in inflammatory leaflets, one of which called for “Revenge!”

The crowd gathered on the evening of May 4 on Des Plaines Street, just north of Randolph, was peaceful, and Mayor Carter H. Harrison, who attended, instructed police not to disturb the meeting. But when one speaker urged the dwindling crowd to “throttle” the law, 176 officers under Inspector John Bonfield marched to the meeting and ordered it to disperse.

Then someone hurled a bomb at the police, killing one officer instantly. Police drew guns, firing wildly. Sixty officers were injured, and eight died; an undetermined number of the crowd were killed or wounded.

The Haymarket bomb seemed to confirm the worst fears of business leaders and others anxious about the growing labor movement and radical influence in it. Mayor Harrison quickly banned meetings and processions. Police made picketing impossible and suppressed the radical press. Chicago newspapers publicized unsubstantiated police theories of anarchist conspiracies, and they published attacks on the foreign-born and calls for revenge, matching the anarchists in inflammatory language. The violence demoralized strikers, and only a few well-organized strikes continued.

Police arrested hundreds of people, but never determined the identity of the bomb thrower. Amidst public clamor for revenge, however, eight anarchists, including prominent speakers and writers, were tried for murder. The partisan Judge Joseph E. Gary conducted the trial, and all 12 jurors acknowledged prejudice against the defendants. Lacking credible evidence that the defendants threw the bomb or organized the bomb throwing, prosecutors focused on their writings and speeches. The jury, instructed to adopt a conspiracy theory without legal precedent, convicted all eight. Seven were sentenced to death. The trial is now considered one of the worst miscarriages of justice in American history.

Inspired by the American movement for a shorter workday, socialists and unionists around the world began celebrating May 1, or “May Day,” as an international workers' holiday. In the twentieth century, the Soviet Union and other Communist countries officially adopted it. The Haymarket tragedy is remembered throughout the world in speeches, murals, and monuments. American observance was strongest in the decade before World War I. During the Cold War, many Americans saw May Day as a Communist holiday, and President Eisenhower proclaimed May 1 as “Loyalty Day” in 1955. Interest in Haymarket revived somewhat in the 1980s.

A monument commemorating the “Haymarket martyrs” was erected in Waldheim Cemetery in 1893. In 1889 a statue honoring the dead police was erected in the Haymarket. Toppled by student radicals in 1969 and 1970, it was moved to the Chicago Police Academy. (From Encyclopedia of Chicago)